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The following is an excerpt from what became chapter 4 of Asbjørn

Dyrendal, James R. Lewis, and Jesper Aagaard Petersen : The Invention of

Satanism, OUP 2016. It deals with the four central parts of Anton LaVey's

The Satanic Bible. (For the final, important part – the introductions and their

meaning – the book is available in print.)

The Satanic Bible

Anton LaVey was the central figure in the codification of a formalized satanic

"movement," and his most famous book, The Satanic Bible (TSB) has become the

authoritative and most widely known source of contemporary Satanism. Published at the

end of 1969, TSB was an "instant hit." It has never been out of print, and it has been

translated into many languages, including German, Russian, Spanish, Norwegian,

Swedish, Czech, and French. Following the dissolution of the Church of Satan's grotto

system in 1975 and before the explosion of the Internet in the mid-1990s, TSB was by far

the most important source for propagation of Satanism. LaVeyan Satanists may point to it

as the reference for how they became Satanists, what being a Satanist means to them, and

as a model for being Satanic. In societies used to viewing scripture as the hallmark of

religion, it has acquired many of the usages of other scripture (Lewis 2002a; Gallagher

2013). Like other books of status, its meanings are constructed by use as much as by

authorial intention, but both are more complex than is often acknowledged. It has been

misconstrued by even informed outside critics (e.g., Mathews 2009), it has served as one

of the foci of internal polemic (e.g., Aquino 2013a), and in its wake we find a list of

alternative bibles for other Princes of Darkness (e.g., Susej 2006; Ford 2008).

Taken together, this means that we should look closer at the content of TSB. This

is all the more so, as the book tends to be treated "more as a monument of Satanism than

as a compendium of Satanic lore" (Petersen 2013 170). Moreover, treatments of the

book's content tend to stop after (misreading) only the very first pages. The book as

artifact certainly holds vital importance; its mere existence gives proponents, enemies,

and mere sensation-seekers alike something to point at (cf. Lewis 2002b). But to

understand its success in the satanic milieu, we need to look further into content. We

shall argue that some of its success comes from its ability to express (as mentioned in the

previous chapter) the different strands of interest in the satanic milieu while at the same

time containing these differences and uniting the strands (cf. Wolf 2002).

TSB is a work of bricolage. LaVey borrowed ideas liberally from others in the

manner typical of twentieth-century occultism: he took dis-embedded elements from

other contexts, then re-embedded them in a context of his own. This is important, and we

shall look at some examples of it, but at the same time it is trivial. Another trivial point is

important in a quite different manner: TSB is a document written for effect and meant to

be used. The different kinds of user contexts the book sets up are important. The book

both contains arguments for, and is itself the primary instance of LaVey's "materialist

magic" outside (but strongly related to) his construction of the persona "Anton Szandor

LaVey" with its concomitant mythos (e.g., Dyrendal 2004; Petersen 2012, 2013).

The different contexts are partly set up in the division of the book. One may read

the book straight through and see that it expresses and establishes a form of ideology.

However, it is also a book divided into four—the books of Satan, Belial, Lucifer, and

Leviathan—and these four parts differ both in style and content, focus and agenda. These

different parts need to be read not only as separate expressions, but as part of the whole.

Some of the ideas expressed in the different books need to be applied when reading the

others for meaning. More specifically, in taking the position that TSB is itself an instance

of LaVey's materialist magic, we are arguing that LaVey's ideas on magic are central to

understanding far more than just the passages dealing explicitly with magic.

Concentrating on content at the same time gives a chance to focus more on some

of the ideas circulating in early Satanism, where the previous chapter focused more on

sketching the early church and the historical processes . Here we will go through the

different main "books" of TSB, partly summarizing, partly discussing its content and

meaning, looking at some of the controversy surrounding the content.

The Frame

The Satanic Bible, in current editions as in most of the older ones, usually carries a

preface. In English, and often other languages as well, most use a preface written by

LaVey biographer and friend Burton Wolfe.

These prefaces usually give some sort of

history and interpretation of Satanism and/or present some aspects of it, thus potentially

priming the careful reader as to how the text itself could (should) be read. The priming is

almost always in line with "orthodox LaVeyanism" in that Satanism is presented as

passably sinister, but still rational, advocating fleshly indulgence and "abstinence" only

from spiritual belief. Anton LaVey is presented as the embodiment of this Satanism, and

the philosophy in the book as springing from his life experience.

The interpreters are not alone in pre-interpreting the book for the reader. The

publisher and the writer made certain that the content would receive advance

interpretations by putting in three other elements: LaVey's own preface, prologue, and

his famous nine satanic statements.

The nine satanic statements are almost certainly the most widely quoted elements

of TSB. Famously advocating indulgence in "all of the so-called sins," promoting "vital

existence," and representing humans as beasts like (or worse than) any other, the

statements pointedly sum up some of the attitudes that are unfolded other places in the

text. Like the forwards, they express attitudes that are clearly anti-religious and

materialist, with a hedonistic, or, in later Church of Satan parlance, Epicurean bent.

While the preface is directed toward the would-be magician, it is also explicitly hostile to

esoteric interests and ideas that "occult" the practices of effective magic. Like several of

LaVey's texts, it directs attention to the esoterically "traditional" only to disparage it. In a

couple of telling soundbites, he writes that "every 'secret' grimoire, all the 'great works'

on the subject of magic are nothing more than sanctimonious fraud," and that the "flames

of Hell burn brighter for the kindling supplied by these volumes of hoary misinformation

and false prophecy" (LaVey 1969: 21).

Speaking perhaps as much to an internal audience who were to read these

sentiments more than once (e.g., LaVey 1971) as to the interested outsider, LaVey may

have had his fill of esoteric seekers already. With this universal preface, he showed that

the occult classics were to be treated to the same critical attitude as those of other

religions. This does not in any way mean, as we shall see, that TSB was free from that

heritage. LaVey's Satanism was not a "strongly detraditionalized religion" (Woodhead

and Heelas 2000). As noted by Per Faxneld (2013b), he made liberal use of "tradition"

both for legitimacy and for psychological effect, but he did so both critically and

mischievously in order to use a select part of esoteric heritage his own way. Where

Michael Aquino post-1975 looked backward toward knowledge of an original Set behind

Satan for legitimacy (while also inventing freely), LaVey took what he presents as scraps

of knowledge or solid intuitions from past occultisms, but also from any other area of

life. Stressing his own role as inventor, LaVey has his cake while eating it: calling on

heritage and claiming its mantle, while also claiming the primacy of entrepreneurship and

innovation. The preface to TSB stresses a view of his own activity as that of an

entrepreneur. The book was written to fill a gap, with the occult heritage "filtered" so that

what he called undefiled wisdom (his own) could be communicated clearly.

Not too clearly however. One of the most important "reader's guides" to TSB

follows closely afterward. It reads: "Herein you will find truth—and fantasy. Each is

necessary for the other to exist; but each must be recognized for what it is" (LaVey 1969:

21f.). LaVey does not state more explicitly what is to be read as fantasy and what is to be

read as truth. Our judgment is that there is often a mixture where the fantasy is supposed

to assist the reader's experience of "truth" (up to and including "truthiness"). The

prologue to the book, for example, follows immediately after the quotations above, and

the prologue is filled with mythological language and archaic-sounding "haths" and

"doths." The latter may have had their rightful place in the King James Bible, but here

they are, like the mythology, serving the grander purpose of setting a stage, creating a

mood, as well as anchoring the fantasy in something seemingly ancient and traditional. It

is not pure fancy. Its meaningful content combines criticism of traditional religion with

pronouncing a new age of the flesh, indulgence in the name of Satan. In other words, the

fantasy tale of the prologue signals the content of the book to come.

LaVey makes liberal use of the cultural competence and prejudice of his expected

readership when presenting Christianity, occultism, history, and magic. TSB is to be, as

he goes on to state, Satan finally speaking back. Satan has always been the "other,"

needed as signpost of moral boundaries and threats of damnation. But he has always been

the subject of others' discourse. It is time, LaVey says, that Satan spoke back, and goes

on to let Satan represent the "return of the repressed" in the next part: the Book of Satan.

The Book of Satan

Outside the nine satanic statements themselves, the most discussed part of TSB is the

Book of Satan, subtitled "the Infernal Diatribe" for good reasons.

There are two main points to the discussion. First, it has been alleged that most of

the content was written by someone other than LaVey. This is fairly correct. As with the

Enochian keys in the Book of Leviathan, the text of the Book of Satan contains but a few

interjections, no more than one "verse" at a time, that were written by LaVey.

The rest

contains edited and rearranged passages from another work, Might is Right or The

Survival of the Fittest (1896), originally published under the pseudonym "Ragnar

Redbeard"—almost certainly the New Zealander Arthur Desmond (e.g., Lewis 2002b).

LaVey's central contribution to the pages of the Book of Satan lies in the introduction

(one page) and the way he edited the content. As Eugene Gallagher (2013) has pointed

out, this is no unimportant contribution. Might is Right contains around 200 pages of text;

the Book of Satan proper contains six pages. The editing is creative and purposeful, both

with regard to stylistic choices, the content of interjections, and the way LaVey has

censored parts of the content (ibid.).

The other reason for the controversy around this part of TSB is its multiple

blasphemy: it mocks Christian (and related) faith in strong terms, and it does the same for

common notions of morality, both that which Christianity was seen to espouse with

regard to private, sensual life, and that which it shares with most modern political

discourse—equality and equal rights. The Book of Satan is unashamedly social

Darwinist. Proclaiming the Law of the Jungle is, according to LaVey's introduction, one

of its central goals. It is not the only goal, but this means that the book contains the most

clearly and purely oppositional (or "reactive Satanist") elements of TSB.

The style of the Book of Satan is purposefully mock biblical. Desmond/Redbeard

wrote relevant portions of his book in fake "King James" style. LaVey added to the

biblical look by making numbered verses of the sentences and paragraphs he chose to

include. The mock biblical effect is compounded by inverting select values from the

famous "Sermon on the Mount" (or, if we follow Luke instead of Matthew, the "Sermon

on the Plain") in the same style, perhaps most clearly in the first line of the fifth and final

part of the book:

1. Blessed are the strong, for they shall possess the earth—Cursed are the

weak, for they shall inherit the yoke! (LaVey 1969: 34)

Believers and belief in general comes in for sharp criticism, formulated in a strongly

expressive, "prophetic" style. But while Might is Right opens with the blasphemy, LaVey

chose to start otherwise. He skipped the first verses to begin with a section that could be

read as a ritual call to the four cardinal directions. The next verses follow Redbeard's text

and demands explanations, rather than professions of belief, expressing contempt toward

those humbling themselves in belief:

4. I request reasons for your golden rule and ask the why and wherefore of

your ten commandments.

5. Before none of your printed idols do I bend in acquiescence, and he

who saith "thou shalt" to me is my mortal foe! (LaVey 1969: 30; cf.

Redbeard 2003: 13)

The stress is on individualism with an "aristocratic" bent, along the lines of certain

receptions of Nietzsche. LaVey starts off with these sharply critical passages and builds

up to crass blasphemy. It does not take long, but he introduces (a few) alternative values

before going there, and when he does quote some of Redbeard's strongest expressions, he

puts them close together so that they may serve to strengthen emotive effect:

10. I gaze into the glassy eye of your fearsome Jehova, and pluck him by

the beard; I uplift a broad-axe and split open his worm-eaten skull!

11. I blast out the ghastly content of philosophically whited sepulchers and

laugh with sardonic wrath!

II

1. Behold the crucifix, what does it symbolize? Pallid incompetence

hanging on a tree. (LaVey 1969: 30f.; Redbeard 2003: 13, 11)

These passages then segue back into the critical stance of "questioning all things"

in the

name of the strong individuals able to make their own lives. In line with the demand for

"undefiled wisdom," society is presented as a struggle between predatory animals. We

can be predator or prey; anything else is seen as lies, thus universal demands of love for

one's neighbor are dangerous delusions. Religion is singled out as the primary source of

such delusions, and LaVey adds to Redbeard by writing in some of his own reflections on

the carnal nature of real (and fleshly indulgent) love.

LaVey also subtracts. Redbeard's text adds racialism and a crass anti-Semitism to

his Nietzschian social Darwinism and anti-religious attitudes. He was also clearly a

misogynist, advocating among other things that the strong man should not be concerned

with female consent (e.g., Redbeard 2003: 166–168

). By the time LaVey found the text,

the first two had become severely stigmatized. LaVey also seems to have found racialism

genuinely stupid and unattractive,

and while his style of "female empowerment" could

easily be construed as misogynic attempts to establish a new ground of male dominance,

the most clearly misogynist parts of Might is Right were left out too.

Redbeard's text also contains attacks on democracy. LaVey certainly had little

good to say about parliamentary democracy as a way to organize power, but those

passages were also left out of his book. Together, what LaVey (and/or the publisher) left

out serves to sanitize Redbeard's text. It is a select rather than a strong sanitization. If this

was the central concern, it would be in line with LaVey's balancing act between

respectability and outrage. We think, however, that the editorial choices have a different

background: LaVey's choices give the text more focus. This was to be a short text for a

satanic group, not a book-length treatment for a general audience.

The Book of Satan, we contend, is best read as a form of LaVey's "materialist

magic," more particularly a brief, textual form of Greater Black Magic: it is a black mass

for one—the reader. This interpretation is strengthened by its inclusion already on

LaVey's 1968 album The Satanic Mass. Unlike the rest of the album, the sections from

the Book of Satan were not recorded during an actual service, but their inclusion on the

album does give an indication of intent that is partly fulfilled when portions of part 5 are

read out loud during a ritual performance recorded in Satanis (1970).

This means, we contend, that we should read the text in the context of LaVey's

ideas about magic. We shall return to "magic" and ritual as the subjects of the Book of

Belial. Here, it should suffice to note that to LaVey ritual magic was primarily a form of

psychodrama. As such, he presents rituals like the black mass as a way of getting rid of

psychological hang-ups; they are a form of mental exorcism. For this exorcism to be

effective, one must leave critical thinking to the side and live the fantasy of the ritual as

fully as possible. The fantasy should be focused and the purpose crystal clear. The

emotions of the celebrant are thought to be central, effective ingredients of ritual (e.g.,

LaVey 1972: 15). These should be worked to a crescendo through the act.

Imagery, rhythm, sound, and other stimulating elements should be used to assist

the formation of such strong emotions. This may also be translated into textual

composition. The specific focus of the Book of Satan is the proposed harm of traditional

religious belief on the individual's liberty, thought, and enjoyment of life. To this belongs

the occlusion of "undefiled wisdom" about Man's true nature as an animal with an

animal's needs, desires, and behavioral traits—and what that communicates about

society. The book is not an argument; it is an exhortation to the proud "übermensch" or

the individual emulating the Miltonian Satan.

Read thus, some of the editorial choices of LaVey stand out as deliberate activity

not only to edit a message, but to achieve a combination of form, musical "tempo," and

emotional movement. Whether or not LaVey chose the selection and edited the text from

Might is Right for this particular purpose first, the text has a liturgical style and textual

context that should influence how we read it. We see it as an attempt to achieve the "truth

of fantasy": Satan speaks (although he is but a symbol), and through his words, the

"emotional truth" of life as it is and society as it should not have become, is expressed.

The text is a ritual on its own, and as such it is primarily expressive. Although

rhetorically calling for doubt, LaVeyan rituals in general, and certainly this particular

manifestation of it, have no place for doubt. The exhortation to doubt is more an

expression of the correct attitude toward the falsehoods of other faith, serving to inflame

passion and instill attitudes.

These attitudes and values are then discussed more in the next book, The Book of

Lucifer (subtitled "Enlightenment"), which has a somewhat more deliberative style. The

Book of Satan is an expressive statement of intent; the Book of Lucifer a (more)

deliberative presentation of content. The Book of Satan is associated with the element of

Fire; the Book of Lucifer is associated with the "intellectual" element of Air. The first

plays strongly on passion and reaction against society and its values, the "transgression

from" the mainstream (cf. Petersen 2011c). The second tries to unfold just what the

Satanist and the new Satanic Age is to transgress toward: the new rationality found by

taking man's need for fantasy seriously enough to "esotericize" science while

"scientizing" the esoteric (cf. Petersen 2011b).

Book of Lucifer: Enlightenment

The Book of Satan is built up as verses in a five-part book; the Book of Lucifer consists

of 12 brief essays covering 65 pages. The longest essay ("Satanic Sex") is eight pages

long, more than the whole Book of Satan; the shortest ("Love and Hate") is just over a

page.

The essays have their background in the early days of the church. By the

beginning of 1968, LaVey had worked out an introductory "monograph" (see Aquino

2013a: 618–630) and a series of essays (the "rainbow sheets") to communicate to early

associates the philosophy behind his church (e.g., Aquino 2013a: 69f., 78f.). These were

rewritten and edited to fit a book format and a more remote audience. The last part means

that even the Book of Lucifer is more evocative than argumentative. There are

propositions and conclusions, but few real arguments. The function of the essays is

"rhetorical": there is no pro and con, no laying out of the best argument from both parties.

Positions are announced and explained, and they are directed toward those who would be

prone to accept them. The Book of Satan functions as a signpost to sympathizers, and a

boundary to readers who might be more offended; the Book of Lucifer expands the

message to an audience that has already been filtered.

In the chapter preface, LaVey once again stresses the attitude of doubt: "It is only

DOUBT that will bring mental emancipation" (1969: 39). The explicit doubt presented is

directed mostly at established religion. It is also directed at established views of what

counts as true or good, a topic LaVey returned to many times during his authorship. In

legitimizing the different analyses and points of view, we are treated to appeals to

science, history, and personal experience (Lewis 2003; Petersen 2011b; cf. Hammer

2001). These different strategies have important roles to play in how LaVey lays out his

positions. The Book of Lucifer takes on a wide variety of topics, but in the central

message, one may read it as expanding upon the nine satanic statements. This means that

it deals but briefly with ontology and spends most of its time on presenting a satanic

anthropology that involves everything from his "theology" and what in effect becomes

his soteriology to sociology, politics, history, and ethics (cf. Flowers 1997: 189–206).

One of the central topics of internal dissent after the 1975 schism has been related

to ontology. It became elevated to a central line of division within the satanic milieu

through the question on whether gods have any existence outside human ideation. Early

participants in the Church of Satan were clearly divided in their opinion. This comes

across very clearly in interviews with others than LaVey. After the schism, those who

joined the Temple of Set officially took the position that "Satan" referred to an actually

existing, supernatural being (Set), and that the Church of Satan thus had enjoyed a real

mandate from the Prince of Darkness that had now been transferred. The remaining

Church of Satan, on the other hand, maintained that "Satan" was and had never been seen

as more than a symbol.

The reader of TSB may find passages hinting at either position. LaVey does not

address the issue directly in TSB, but as with his interviews from the period, it seems

quite clear that he himself kept a (mainly) symbolic stance. The parts of existence that are

deemed important enough for him to address as real are fleshly: humans and other

animals.

LaVey does cater to a kind of ontological acceptance of something above the

human level when he acknowledges the existence of a kind of "divinity" in the form of an

impersonal force in or of nature. This is not a recognizable godhood to be worshiped, as it

is impersonal, thus unconscious and unconcerned with humans (1969: 40). Humans

create the gods they believe in from their own needs, based on their own psyche. Unlike

Aquino later, LaVey makes no plea for Satan being more than other "gods": Satan

"represents a force of nature—the powers of darkness which have been named just that

because no religion has taken these forces out of the darkness" (62). "Satan" represents

by naming. It is a word symbolic of something religion does, naming the hidden and

repressed. LaVey argues for no personalized gods or demons outside human imagination,

where such have been found useful because of innate human tendencies to

anthropomorphize.

This is what interests LaVey throughout the essays: human behavior. On the

whole, LaVey seems uninterested in ontology for its own sake; his interest lies in what

basis one may have for human action. "Gods" do not act. Humans do. The importance of

presenting a world without interested gods is to impress on the reader that Man alone

must take responsibility for effecting change—and to do so, he must act according to the

world as it really is: "The Satanist realizes that man, and the action and reaction of the

universe, is responsible for everything, and doesn't mislead himself into thinking that

someone cares. . . . Positive thinking and positive action add up to results" (LaVey 1969:

41). Gods (or demons) are therefore of no interest outside the effect imagining them may

have on the Satanist, for example, when performing ritual. The main ingredients in the

ontology LaVey presents are humans and the universe. Both are seen as subject to laws of

Nature—known and unknown. Here LaVey continues the scientizing language of

twentieth-century occultism: magic works through "laws" that are not apparent to all. He

takes the existence of telepathy for granted, and he also proposes the existence of

"adrenal and other biochemical forces" (87) that might be concentrated and released in

rituals and have effects over distance. Thus, there are unknown forces to find, recognize,

master, and work with. LaVey may appeal obliquely to "science," but his interest is not

that of science; it once again lies with that of human action.

The anthropology presented in the Book of Lucifer encompasses "theology." Man

makes, to stay with LaVey's gendered language, his own gods, and he makes them in his

own image. Man is the measure, and Satanists should aspire to be their own god: "Every

man is a God if he chooses to recognize himself as one" (LaVey 1969: 96). The Satanist

accordingly does not celebrate gods, but should, according to LaVey, choose his or her

own birthday as the central religious holiday (ibid.). Man is or could be a god unto

himself, but he is also "just another animal, sometimes better, more often worse, than

those that walk on all fours" (25). To LaVey, there is no contradiction here: "Man, the

animal, is the godhead to the Satanist" (89). Nature, no matter that it is seen as red in

tooth and claw, is the one force driving the universe. Seeing Man and life in that light is

an important part of the "undefiled wisdom" that does not hide or romanticize humanity

or nature (cf. Flowers 1997: 194f.). LaVey does not try to press the Darwinian claim that

"there is grandeur in this view of life"; his "Darwinism" is rather the heir to the so-called

social Darwinism of Spencer. But brutal nature is also vital nature, and this vitality, life

flowing unhindered by opposing forces, is the sacred of LaVey's Satanism:

The purest form of carnal existence reposes in the bodies of animals and

human children who have not grown old enough to deny themselves their

natural desires. . . . Therefore, the Satanist holds these beings in sacred

regard, knowing that he can learn much from these natural magicians. . . .

he could never willfully harm an animal or child. (LaVey 1969: 89)

Like other animals, the child is untrammeled nature, thus sacred, but this sacred may also

be vicious, and it is selfish and prideful. Self-interest and pride, however, are also natural.

Natural desires, involving "all of the so-called sins" (25), should not be denied. Indeed, in

such denial lies what in TSB approaches the fall of mankind. Self-denial decreases

vitality. Worse, what is denied through cultural and personal repression, will, LaVey

posits, tend to return in a less palatable form. His watchword for the satanic age is

"indulgence," in contrast to abstinence. Indulgence denied, he claims, returns as

undesirable "compulsion" (81–86).

LaVey's choice of "release" as the guiding metaphor for indulgence effectively

communicates that Man's desires and needs are like a fluid. They need to flow

(relatively) unhindered, or they will "build up and become compulsions" (LaVey 1969:

81). Guilt-induced "abstinence" blocks the natural flow and creates frustration,

"compulsion," and disease in its wake. LaVey comes across as partly Freudian: With

compulsive behavior, the locus of control shifts from Man to unconscious, transformed,

and repressed drives. The Satanist follows his or her desires by choice, and he is in

control of when and how: "the Satanist is master of, rather than mastered by" (86).

Compulsion thus relates to two satanic sins: self-deceit and lack of control. Self-deceit

about oneself and the world leads to abstinence, blocking natural release, and from there,

the "return of the repressed" as compulsive behavior leads to lack of control.

Abstinence may however also be a legitimate form of indulgence, states LaVey.

Some forms of masochism crave abstinence as a form of taking a slave role and being

punished.

This kind of "abstinence" is then a natural desire relating to personal

inclination, and it should be recognized as such. In LaVey's scheme of things, the lack of

recognition has repercussions that exceed the personal. LaVey presents this as one of the

problems of religion: religious condemnation of natural inclinations often lead

individuals to repress their true nature, furthering shame, more repression, and cycles of

social activism for more "morality" (repression) (LaVey 1969: 84f.). Because of

repression, this insight is hidden from many participants, but not, historically, from the

ecclesiastic hierarchy. The latter is presented as, quite satanically, manipulating believers

to further its own goals.

This cycle of behavior hits the hard-working middle-class that upholds society

worst, and, employing a rhetoric of entitlement, LaVey states that they deserve better;

they deserve a religion granting them guilt-free release, thus health and agency. They

deserve Satanism (LaVey 1969: 82).

We see that indulgence becomes both a goal in its own right and a soteriological

strategy. On the individual level, it is necessary for a healthy ego, personal health, and a

healthy appetite for life. This, in turn, is necessary to develop a rounded character able to

be genuinely kind and generous to others. Repression, on the other hand, leads to stunted

personalities and romanticizing death as real fulfillment. LaVey's Satanism teaches that

"Life is the one great enjoyment; death, the one great abstinence" (1969: 92).

The latter may be read, through the later LaVey, as a clear indication of Man

being pure carnal existence. In TSB, however, LaVey is less than crystal clear that such is

the fate of humans after death. They may not have a soul, but they may build an ego so

vital that it "will refuse to die, even after the expiration of the flesh that housed it" (94).

While this ego is built "merely" by living life fully, rather than through esoteric work, the

fundamental idea of building an ego that could last after physical death is completely in

tune with the views later presented in the Temple of Set (cf. Flowers 1997: 201f., 234f.).

This may, together with the lack of elaboration of arguments for the idea, be one of the

reasons why it seems to have been left behind by the Church of Satan later. The concept

of indulgence as salvation from death can clearly not have been all that important.

Many of the essays in the Book of Lucifer touch on LaVey's concept of ethics. As

noted by Flowers (1997: 200f.), LaVey was vitally concerned with the topic, albeit

mainly through a consuming disgust for hypocrisy. He returned to the topic many times

later. In TSB, it is primarily expressed through his concepts of individual freedom and

"responsibility to the responsible" (e.g., LaVey 1969: 25). LaVey's satanic ethics are not

universal. Behavior appropriate to one circumstance and some people are seen as wholly

inappropriate in other circumstances. The only universal demand is not to hurt children;

even animals may be hurt and killed when one is attacked or when food is needed. It is a

highly conservative, minimum morality, outside which "the law of the jungle" prevails. It

does so even more so with regard to other humans, but LaVey is quite clear that some

forms of freedom are universal, as long as the parties are freely consenting adults: "No

person or society has the right to set limitations on the sexual standards or the frequency

of sexual activity of another" (70). Manipulating other people into a situation where they

consent is, however, not only fine, it is a fundamental and important side to practical love

magic (cf. LaVey [1971] 1989).

Human interaction is presented as a game and as a struggle over scarce resources.

Thus, kindness should be reserved for those who deserve it; reciprocity rules the game.

This is what, according to LaVey, makes "psychic vampires" so repellent and harmful to

others. They take without returning in kind by creating feelings of guilt and duty. They

feed off the guilt and good will of others, souring their lives and limiting their freedom

(LaVey 1969: 75–77). To such people, the Satanist is exhorted to respond in kind. The

same goes for those who do not respect ownership, privacy, or those who in other ways

impinge on the freedom or quality of life of the Satanist. Cruelty, violence, destruction

magic, or other forms of forceful response are all deemed ethically viable options,

primarily as long as they are within the bounds of law.

LaVey's ethics tend to be situational, taking into account the kinds of behavior

people are expected to show in society. Many of the essays thus touch on (a few

concentrate on) describing, analyzing, and criticizing human behavior through history.

"History" is thus used for several purposes that may intertwine: He uses narratives of

alleged past events and characters to criticize established religion. This in turn is used to

give legitimacy to alternative views of the world and humanity. Some of this is a critique

of what he presents as Christianity and Christian ethics. These always serve more broadly

as cultural critique, whether they involve witch-hunting or merely demonization of

pursuits LaVey finds natural and healthy. These additionally serve as illustrations of what

he sees as real human nature, legitimizing Satanism. Thus, he goes on to criticize any

kind of mystical religion—religion based on "abstinence"—and a host of social

phenomena illustrating some of the side effects of self-denial (e.g., drug culture or the

"free sex" movement, which he deems ruled by compulsion).

"History" may also give legitimacy by pointing to a "tradition" that has shown

itself to be functional. As noted by Per Faxneld (2013b), LaVey also constructs an emic

historiography that gives him some exotic and/or powerful forebears in a line of what he

presents as "de facto Satanists." These serve as examples of what may be achieved

through the right attitudes and insights: "the Satanist has always ruled the earth . . . and

always will, by whatever name he is called" (La Vey 1969: 104).

LaVey also points to his "de facto" Satanists in history as sources of inspiration or

models for his own satanic ideology or practice. However, looking at the totality of his

authorship and published interviews, he does not primarily root his own Satanism by

pointing to "tradition." He in (more than) equal measure calls on the model of

"discovery." LaVey stresses his own invention of Satanism by using both that which he

discovered as useful in the old and that which he found out from his own experience. In

TSB, the language is not that of invention, but rather one of descriptive command: "The

Satanist" does or does not do; "the Satanist" believes or feels in a certain manner.

History is also used in a dual manner with regard to the trope of "victimization."

The Christian church is lambasted for the lives destroyed and for the demonization of

people thinking and acting in accord with human nature. In this sense, LaVey evokes

history as atrocity perpetrated by religion and takes on the mantle of speaking for the

victim. He also, however, insists that the Satanist would not, indeed could not, be victim.

This topic in his presentation of human history also involves religion on another

plane: that which involves "Satan" and related figures of human imagination. He expands

on the last of the nine satanic statements: that Satan has been the best friend the church

ever had. Here, the role of "Satan" as adversary to all that is presented as good is turned

around: Satan represents "the carnal, the earthly, and mundane aspects of life" (LaVey

1969: 55), and these natural aspects are demonized by institutions trying to control

human life. Previous religions, LaVey argues, did not do so. Instead, different divinities

ruled those aspects of life. It was Christianity that turned them into demons and gave

"Satan" their visage, attributes, and dominion.

There is only a weak claim of continuity here. LaVey does provide a long list of

historical "infernal names" (1969: 58ff.) to use for ritual purposes. However, his main

interest is in criticism, current practice, and how it deviates from "the cowardice of

'magicians' of the right-hand path" (57), who suffer from the delusions of Christianity. It

was Christianity, we are told, that made natural life evil, but this "evil" is our nature:

invert it back, and it spells "live." And to live as well as possible is what the Satanist calls

upon his "devils" for.

These devils are, as we have seen, understood as imaginary entities shaped by

human fantasy. Calling upon devils of the imagination has little automatic effect. In order

for magic to work, one must know what to use it for, how, and in which situations. The

use of ritual and other forms of magic is thus the topic of the next book in TSB.

Mastery of the Earth: The Book of Belial

The introduction to the Book of Belial contains one of LaVey's many attacks on

established occultisms. The discourse on magic, he claims, has become so occluded by

attempts at mystification that practitioners themselves have fallen into the trap of

misdirection. Misdirection should have been focused on "marks" only, to make the

magician more effective. Instead, occultists fool themselves and present mystical and

mystifying platitudes instead of "bedrock knowledge" (cf. Petersen 2011b). That is what

LaVey then seems to promise: through his brand of magic, materialistic magic, he will

teach "real, hard-core, magical procedure," allowing the magician to achieve "true

independence, self-sufficiency, and personal accomplishment" (1969: 109). On its own,

the Book of Belial promises to be a guide to practical magic, a self-help book explaining

the basic principles and basic building blocks of effective workings. This at the same

time hints at there being much more to be learned; LaVey is not giving it all up at the

same time.

LaVey takes inspiration from Crowley in his definition and understanding of

magic. Both stress the ability to effect change according to the magician's will, and both

partially call on science and "secularize" the understanding of what magic may entail.

But LaVey does not share Crowley's concept of Will, so his "accordance with one's will"

(1969: 110) refers to the magician's consciously expressed desires with no hint of

Crowley's metaphysical thelema. Partly for this reason, he does not follow Crowley to

the end of the latter's reframing of magic as also including everyday action (e.g.,

Dyrendal 2012). LaVey insists that magic must entail using other than "normally

accepted methods" (1969: 110), but this includes a broad range of what he calls "applied

psychology" (ibid.).

LaVey has no use for the classic, emic division between white and black magic.

"White" magic is self-delusion or hypocrisy with regard to motives. All magic revolves

around ego gratification, and all magic is therefore "black." Only the specific desires

needed to fulfill gratification differs. LaVey refers back to his division of people, in

saying of the "white" magicians that "some people enjoy wearing hair shirts. . . . What is

pleasure to one is pain to another" (ibid.). Since LaVey's Satanism furthermore

acknowledges (almost) all kinds of human desire, there is no need for separating magic

into moral or immoral. He finds more interest in clarifying its different means and

purposes.

With regard to means, LaVey classifies magic as manipulative (lesser) or

ceremonial (greater). With regard to purposes, he mentions three: love, compassion, and

destruction. Love magic revolves, in the general spirit of LaVey, around sex and

attracting a desired sexual companion. Compassion magic is "healing" in its widest

aspects, including self-related prosperity magic (cf. Lap 2013). Destruction magic is

about exactly that: curses, hexes, maleficium.

Ceremonial magic is not without lesser magic's form of psychological

manipulation, and lesser magic similarly not without ceremony, but they are set apart by

form, content, and timing. The primary use of "lesser" magic is in an everyday, as

opposed to a ritual, setting. Magicians use little-recognized aspects of how human

behavior is shaped, by factors such as look, smell, and situational components, to achieve

their goals. It may be presented, LaVey explains, as "merely" using contrived situations

and "wile and guile" (LaVey 1969: 111). He calls the sought-after effect "the command

to look" after a book by the photographer William Mortensen (1937).

The effect is best achieved when consciously playing on one's physical type and

social stereotypes related to it. In LaVey's anthropology, you can "read a book by its

cover," as personality mirrors body types (LaVey [1971] 1989), but the magician should

also work with nature: LaVey explains that the magician must judge, honestly, to which

type he or she conforms—for once, the actor in the text is presumed at least as likely to

be female as to be male—and use that to advantage. The person of an appearance more

likely to be judged sinister than sexy should work with "sinister" in order to achieve the

command to look.

This work should be directed and not toward just anyone. It is also judged

important not to overreach. What LaVey calls "the balance factor" depends on knowing

one's limits, as well as correctly judging "the proper type of individual and situation to

work your magic on for the easiest and best result" (1969: 127). In some kinds of

"applied magic," this amounts to an esotericized reframing of knowing one's place in the

sex appeal hierarchy and setting one's goals appropriately. In others, LaVey's way of

working with nature employs other senses than merely sight; smell and hearing have an

important place (cf. Holt 2013).

All kinds of such everyday magic, the reader intuits, demand more knowledge

than LaVey shares. TSB gives the primer, but he is already setting the stage for there

being more specific ("arcane") knowledge available, and such specificity of knowledge is

seen as vitally important. It is important not only to know what sense experience speaks

to the magician but also which may speak to the people one wishes to influence. And

while this may be universal, it may also be highly personal. Speaking of "sentiment

odors," LaVey concludes the description of lesser magic with the following, improbable-

sounding anecdote:

It is not so facetious to dwell upon the technique of the man who wished

to charm the young lady who had been displaced from her home of

childhood joys, which happened to be a fishing village. Wise to the ways

of lesser magic, he neatly tucked a mackerel in his trousers pocket, and

reaped the rewards that great fondness may often bring. (LaVey 1969:

113)

This was a case of love magic using "wile and guile," but LaVey also includes other,

more esoteric ingredients. Even these start from the body however. His talk of "adrenal

energy" is one way of summing up and naming a proposed "energy" raised by strong

emotions in ritual, be it ceremonial or personal. Strong desire is thus the first of LaVey's

central ingredients in satanic magic, the others being timing, imagery, direction, and the

above-mentioned "balance factor." Imagery and direction both speak to the desire, the

passion that drives the magic: imagery (and other sensory stimulants) to strengthen the

passion, and when the passion has built up, direction to the specific goal—and by that

action releasing the passion and not dwelling upon the desired goal.

The particular stress on passion and its central role in making magic effective

seems to be one of LaVey's relatively original contributions to magical theory. Whether

it is hatred, desire, or compassion, the magician is warned not to undertake the task of

casting a spell unless it can be done wholeheartedly—but then the passions should be

worked up to a maximum. It is important as work on the magician. Speaking of direction,

LaVey states that the ritual should vent the desire and that the "purpose of the ritual is to

FREE the magician from thoughts that would consume him, were he to dwell upon them

constantly" (1969: 126).

This seems to speak of magic as psychodrama, a subject to which we shall return,

in that the sentence speaks about the behavior of and effect on the performer. However,

magic is also presented as working through the subconscious of the addressee of the

magic. The sleeping (and dreaming) subject of love magic is presented as more

susceptible to a spell (LaVey 1969: 122f.) because the conscious mind is "off," and

similarly the skeptical subject of destruction magic, having dismissed the effect, will be

influenced through his subconscious (116f.). While both forms of magic may be

performed to the knowledge of the subject, it is presented as effective even without such

foreknowledge.

Love magic, LaVey says, may often work best if performed on one's own.

However, a "group ritual is much more of a reinforcement of faith, and an instillation of

power" (1969: 119). Collective ceremony, through its work on group and individual, has

an extra effect, illustrated by the case of religion. Solitary ritual is presented as being

most effective for certain purposes, but, on the other hand, they can also be related to

self-denial and anti-social behavior (ibid.). At this stage of LaVey's thinking, collective

ritual was important, even primary, and he gives specific directions for some of the

elements that should go into communal satanic rituals. These follow a pattern from other

ritual descriptions in delineating a structure, prescribing behavior, and listing the ritual

remedies to be used. A central element here is that this is a situation set apart. Ritual

action should be focused, the senses stimulated to strengthen the imagination and feelings

of the magician. Here, the esoteric heritage is employed to the full, starting from ritual

clothing to the bell, gong, chalice, sword, pentagram, and altar, to the structured

performance sketched by LaVey.

All of these, and especially the latter, are important. LaVey stresses the need for

entering and performing the ritual without lingering doubts or intellectualizing

tendencies: "The formalized beginning and end of the ceremony acts as a dogmatic, anti-

intellectual device, the purpose of which is to disassociate the activities and frame of

reference of the outside world from that of the ritual chamber, where the whole will must

be employed" (1969: 120). The ritual space is an "intellectual decompression chamber,"

where one willingly enters a space and time of "temporary ignorance" (ibid.). This is the

case for all religion, LaVey states; the difference is that the Satanist knows that "he is

practicing a form of contrived ignorance to expand his will" (ibid.).

This opens up a recurring question regarding how LaVey saw the ontological

status of magic. First, we know that for LaVey, strong passion and belief enters into both

ceremonial magic and into magical ritual performed individually. Second, the much-

vaunted satanic virtue "doubt" is forbidden during ritual, and one is discouraged from

even giving the goal of the ritual much thought afterward. Third, LaVey speaks of ritual

as " co ntrived ignorance." Does this mean we should read the description of effect over

distance through "adrenal energy" as one of the explicitly noted "fantasy" parts of the

book? After all, LaVey speaks of rituals such as the black mass as "psychodrama," and

his repeated stress on the behavior of the ritual performer includes releasing the passions

and ignoring the aftermath.

It seems quite clear that ceremonial magic is presented as having its primary

effect on the performer, on his or her psyche. The psychological effect of performing the

ritual is, like the effect of indulgence in general, presented as release of desire which

would otherwise consume the magician (LaVey 1969: 126). Most of his later, "public"

magic consisted of artistic creations (i.e., the Den of Iniquity) directed toward his own

enjoyment and emotional fulfillment. As noted by Petersen (2011a: 210), the later

LaVey's take on magical practice tends to concern satanic life itself as creative design:

"traditional magical practices, artistic expressions and the creation of companions and

environments are all magical artifice. They are 'setting the stage'" (211). Read in this

light, a rationalistically inclined Satanist (or outside interpreter) could easily conclude

that ritual is for the psychological influence on the performers.

One might try to strengthen such a reading by noting the repeated stress on doubt

as a satanic virtue, LaVey's demand that the reader use doubt systematically, and the

specific reasons given for leaving doubt to the side in ritual. However, LaVey also

commands the Satanist to give credit to magic where the goals of a spell or ritual have

been fulfilled, and in interviews throughout his life, he continued to stress the usefulness

and importance of magic in terms that seems to vouch for his being serious about claims

of effect over distance. That would also be consistent with his statements regarding the

truth of parapsychological effects, and it would be consistent with what is stated about his

own practice. Moreover, reading LaVey's statements on magic as straightforwardly as

they read standing alone, the even slightly esoterically inclined Satanist would be

similarly excused for taking LaVey's words as further reason to believe—which most do

(Lewis 2001: 5).

LaVey leaves both possibilities open in TSB. The ambiguity arises, however,

primarily through the question being raised—with doubt an option. There is no room for

doubt in the Book of Belial, as there is no room for the intellect in magical ritual. It goes

into planning, such as planning a book. Again reading TSB in light of LaVey's concept of

magic, we may note that the kind of "magical artifice" (Petersen 2012) LaVey practices

includes the text itself. His theory of magic infuses the book. He advocates doubt, but it is

always directed outward while exhortation to action and feeling fill the book when

prescribing/describing the actions of "the Satanist." His prescriptions for magic are even

used to advantage in the composition of the Book of Lucifer: it is filled with emotive

content, and the brief, pointed essays (mostly) have a clear direction and evocative

language. The text is written to have emotive effect, while containing the ambiguities of

the satanic milieu, including those that were later sources of division and "re-

esotericisation" (cf. Petersen 2011a: 205). One of the most esoteric of these sources filled

almost all pages of the final book of TSB: the Book of Leviathan.

The Book of Leviathan: The Raging Sea

The book of Leviathan continues LaVey's discourse on magic, but on a somewhat

different note: for 117 of 130 pages he presents, translates, and interprets the esoteric

"Enochian keys." The topic is so dominant that in most descriptions of the Book of

Leviathan, the other content is overlooked. This is understandable, but once again what is

included adds content to the interpretation of the whole.

In line with the other sections, the Book of Leviathan begins with an introduction.

It continues LaVey's focus on sensory experience as central to ritual and to magic, but

this time (the musician) LaVey focuses explicitly on sound, more specifically the sound

of the spoken word: "If the magical ceremony is to employ all sensory awarenesses, then

the proper sounds must be invoked. It is certainly true that 'actions speak louder than

words,' but words become as monuments to thoughts" (LaVey 1969: 143). Again,

evoking passion is a central goal, and neither doubt nor apprehension is welcome.

LaVey's prescribes "proclamations of certainty" (ibid.), performed passionately and

filled with deep meaning for the fulfillment of real desire. These desires are the topic of

three of the four incantations that follow: lust, destruction, and compassion. The first

incantation is the opening invocation to Satan used in the mass. One may see it performed

at the beginning of the documentary Satanis, which with the opening track of LaVey's

The Satanic Mass exemplifies use in rituals for a group. In the book, LaVey uses "I" and

"me" ("I command the forces of Darkness to bestow their infernal power upon me"

[1969: 144]), where the group version demands "we" and "us." The example in the book

gives an example and an outline: the list of infernal names (145f.) is long, but in practical

use, only a few are selected. Similarly, the invocation is more general in the text version

than it would be in practice. The four invocations listed are templates that the satanic

magician may use as inspiration. The point is as always to find expressions that stimulate

the performer(s) in the way and amount desired.

Following the four sample texts to use in invocation, LaVey starts with a new

introduction, this time to the Enochian "language" and its role in Satanic ritual. The keys

then make up the bulk of the Book of Leviathan. This is, according to

'received wisdom,' the reason for them as well. Allegedly, the publisher

did not want the book until it had 'sufficient bulk.' The Enochian keys

were then, common wisdom goes, added to the end of the book as the

extracts from Might is Right were added to the beginning. (Aquino 2013a:

69)

We have seen that the latter is not very probable. With the keys, it is clear that

they bulk out the book by typographical choice: each key is introduced by an

interpretation, then follows the Enochian (Crowley ' s "phonetic") version, then the

English "translation," each quite unnecessarily printed on every other page. This does not

mean that the choice of Enochian to fill the pages was "mere coincidence." Like Egil

Asprem (2012: 114), we conclude that there is more to it. To take the simple part first,

Enochian was used in ritual settings from an early date. A text on Enochian language and

its importance in ritual was already part of the introductory Satanism essay that was

presented to early members (and became the backbone of TSB) (Aquino 2013a: 626).

Very briefly, the Enochian "language" in which the keys, typically a few

"sentences" long, are presented, was construed through the magical work of John Dee

and Edward Kelley between 1582 and 1589. The language was claimed to be the

primordial one, still spoken by the angels (Asprem 2012). Its history among occultists is

complex, but it became part of the backstory of Satanism when it was taken up by the

magicians of the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn in the late nineteenth century,

claiming Enochian was part of "a perennial Rosicrucian tradition" (108). The original

order split, and the splinter groups often split again—with entrepreneurs publishing

widely—and through practice or writing influencing a wide variety of occultists. The

degree system of the early Church of Satan is derived from this heritage. So is its use of

Enochian. This means that the use of Enochian should clearly appeal to the esoterically

inclined Satanist. This makes it interesting to look at how LaVey positions his Enochian

with regard to the internal debate over Enochian in esoteric communities.

If we start with the obvious, the use of Enochian in satanic rituals positions

LaVey within the esoteric milieu. It is an appeal to the esoteric as a legitimating element,

but it is at the same time done, as noted by Asprem, as part of "a bricolage with a

uniquely LaVeyian edge" (2012: 114). It is used to signal both relation and difference,

the latter most explicitly. This distanciation begins with LaVey's historical claims:

LaVey once again appeals to history, but his primary claim is to "restoration-as-

innovation." He introduces Enochian as an ancient language "thought to be older than

Sanskrit," while noting that it was introduced in writing as late as Meric Casaubon's

critical analysis of (or polemic against) John Dee in 1659. The true meanings and the real

names of the powers called upon, LaVey states, had been "shrouded in secrecy,"

obfuscated through "metaphysical constipation" and disguised by euphemisms. In a

manner, LaVey follows the Anglican Casaubon, while inverting his interests: the "true

Enochian keys" are "Satanic paeans of faith." These true keys have been restored by "an

unknown hand" in the form of their meanings. More precisely, as is mentioned directly

below in a footnote, they have been restored by LaVey himself (LaVey 1969: 156).

LaVey uses the word "fantasy" to denote the keys as calls, and seeming to stick his

tongue firmly in cheek, a fantasy provoked by an unknown, "grim reality" (ibid.)

The latter additionally refers, like the mention of frightened, inept, and obfuscated

magicians, to the debate on the effect of Enochian. He positions himself as a

transgressive voice within the milieu: The discourse on Enochian had long been filled

with not only discussions about authenticity but also warnings about its potency, more

specifically its potential for destruction when not used properly (Asprem 2012). LaVey

voices his disdain of such cowardice, then presents his own, materialist interpretation as

the new Gospel: Enochian is not a language of angels, except through the "metaphysical

constipation" of frightened and mystically inclined occultists, and its potency lies not in

the metaphysical, but in the combination of meaning, word, and sound ("barbaric tonal

qualities" [1969: 155]). Enochian is reframed through LaVey's materialist magic to have

its effect through the psyche of the performers, with pronunciation and meaning

strengthening the intention, direction, and emotion in the performer.

When we reach the specific content, LaVey's contribution is to deliver meaning,

and the interpretations LaVey "restores" from the keys tend to strengthen messages we

also find elsewhere in TSB. LaVey changes the translations of some of the words so as to

be in line with appeals to his satanic context (e.g., "the Dark Lord" for "the Lord"), but

leaves the rest of the text identical. The rest of the satanizing work is done through

framing each key with an interpretation that makes the keys repeat the topics and views

he has already presented in the rest of TSB. This serves to prime the interested reader

with meanings already established. Thus, Enochian is not only partially dis-embedded

from its heritage and contexts of use and re-embedded in LaVey's materialist magic; it is

also made, whenever possible, to repeat his message: the second key is interpreted as

having been intended to "pay homage to the very lusts which sustain the continuance of

life" (165), and a similar but extended message is given in the seventh. The third and fifth

keys affirm the mastery of the earth given satanic magicians, while the sixth is said to

give the template for the organization of the Church of Satan, and so on.

LaVey continues this strategy whenever possible, all the way to the end. And he

ends up where he started, by making the final, nineteenth key consist of the thirty calls of

the Aethyr, and its meaning is summarized in a manner that makes it repeat the message

of the opening Book of Satan:

The Nineteenth Enochian Key is the great sustainer of the natural balance

of the earth, the law of thrift, and of the jungle. It lays bare all hypocrisy

and sanctimonious shall be as slaves under it. It brings forth the greatest

outpouring of wrath upon the miserable, and lays the foundation of

success for the lover of life. (LaVey 1969: 267)

This ends the book, but for two words at the bottom of a page. Having started and ended

up on the same note, it is fitting that LaVey the musician closes the book with an oblique

referral to his closing number as a performer, in the words of its title: Yankee Rose

(Aquino 2013a: 89).

The composition—The Satanic Bible—is complete, and its performance is ended.

In the final composition, LaVey reframes the meaningful content and the practical

performance of one of the (at the time) most mystified elements of occultist practice.

Referring to the literature of the esoteric community, he both makes use of and creates

distance, appealing to the esoteric heritage while rooting the rationale for the practice in

bodily experience rather than metaphysical circumstance. He expresses and contains the

different strands, presenting and consolidating the practice while changing its meaning.

The keys are all presented. They certainly fill out the book. But where the invocations at

the beginning are frameworks, blueprints from which to work, the Enochian keys with

the interpretations added become a list to choose from in appropriate rituals. Together,

they add to the practical experimentation with ritual to make the appropriate atmosphere.

LaVey supplies means and meanings. Still, the reader could, like participants,

choose their own meaning relating to their own experience. Some did. Aquino writes that

"the LaVey Keys, bastardized though they might be, radiated an atmosphere of sheer

power completely unapproached by the older texts" (2013a: 87). He went on to use

Enochian in the workings that ended up in the formation of the Temple of Set, through

the "channeling" of The Book of Coming Forth by Night (Aquino 2013b; cf. Asprem

2012: 121f.). The strands LaVey had briefly bound together were broken.

Fairly select editions have one by Michael Aquino, while more recent versions may use

one by the current High Priest, Peter Gilmore. Editions in other languages may

have different prefaces, often in addition to the regular English language ones.

(Indeed, Dyrendal has been told that a forward he once co-wrote with colleague

Mikael Rothstein, for a Swedish edition that never was, now adorns a German

edition.)

The closest is in the final verses of the fifth part of the Book of Satan. Here LaVey

added, rewrote, and interjected material in a way that makes almost four verses in

a row his own. LaVey also had a love of exclamation marks not shared by

Redbeard/Desmond. Almost all the sentences LaVey ended with an exclamation

mark were punctuated more modestly by Desmond, whose stylistic modesty is

otherwise nonexistent.

Everything old must be questioned by each new generation, but in neither LaVey's nor

Redbeard's text is there anything deliberative about it. The reader is exhorted to

ask questions, but the answer is always presumed to be that that which is

questioned is outdated, wrong, and thus immoral.

The passages read like an apology for rape, as long as it is committed by racially and

otherwise superior males, of course.

His own Jewish background may, of course, have had something to do with his leaving

all traces of anti-Semitism out.

We have two asides we'd like to make here: Aquino (2013a: 69) intimates that the Book

of Satan was tacked onto TSB as a final resort to pad the book. The cover art and

text of the album The Satanic Mass notes the Book of Satan as part of TSB. The

copyright is dated from 1968, the year TSB was commissioned. That makes

Aquino's interpretation unlikely. This becomes even more so when we take into

account how Aquino otherwise notes that LaVey was very particular with regard

to composition of text. This criticism also, to a lesser extent, includes Aquino's

identical claims for the Enochian keys in the Book of Leviathan; these were also

used on the album (in ceremonies). But these still, at one per page, clearly served

to "pad the book" more than strictly necessary.

The other aside regards Chris Mathews. He states as a fact that the text of Book of Satan

is used in "black masses" (2009: 64). We can only document use of parts of it in

single instances, historically. As for its continued use in masses, Mathews seems

unaware that the "anti-Christian" versions of the black masses mainly went out of

use after the first years of the Church of Satan. Already in the first introduction to

Satanism (Appendix 1 in Aquino 2013a: 626–627), LaVey states that a current

black mass must address other hang-ups. Most LaVeyans we have talked to or

observed in online discussions have never participated in any mass.

As noted by Stephen Flowers (1997: 198), "between any two individual humans, LaVey

always observes a dominant/submissive model." This becomes part of a larger

scheme of social S/M (198ff.). The masochist may not be the weak part in such

exchange, but in LaVey's scheme of things, this depends on the relation, and on

the self-awareness of the involved parties.

Magic, primarily manipulating the psyche of oneself and others by one's own active

volition, is presented as the satanically correct course of action as opposed to

prayer and passivity (LaVey 1969: 41). Nothing good comes to those who wait.

If one breaks the law, this may not be deemed morally wrong, but one should be

prepared for the consequences. This is part of what responsibility is taken to

mean: accepting that one's actions have consequences, as a Satanist is expected to

be author of his own life.

For a deeper and broader discussion of the role of esotericism and secularization as

strategies in satanic magic, see Petersen 2012.

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